This is the fourth essay in a series about the maneuvering and intrigue crouching behind the arras of the current crisis in the Middle East. Previously: Part 1, Part 2, and Part 3.

The Mohammed Movie: Blasphemy, Defamation, and Insult
The Long Hot Arab Summer began in Cairo on September 11, 2012, with a demonstration in front of the American embassy. Over the next few days numerous other cities across the world — not just in Islamic countries, but in Europe, Canada, Australia, and even Japan — followed suit.
The OIC and the media would have us believe that those Islamic days of rage were a spontaneous outburst of Muslim indignation over a blasphemous movie about Mohammed. Yet this battlefield had actually been prepared well in advance.
The current form of the conflict began to take shape in late 2005 (that crucial year!) and early 2006, during the Mohammed cartoon crisis. The Muslim world did not spontaneously combust the moment the “Turban Bomb” was first published in Jyllands-Posten, but waited four months before taking to the streets to loot, burn, bomb, and murder. The mayhem was carefully instigated by a pair of Danish imams, who added three fake cartoons — more incendiary than the real ones — to the original twelve, and went on a tour of the Middle East with their portfolio to stir up the righteous indignation of faithful Muslims. The results are well-known.
The Danish cartoon affair was a great success from a Muslim standpoint. Western leaders fell all over themselves to deplore the cartoons. Most of them condemned the artists and the newspaper for their “abuse” of free speech. Although the cartoons spread virally on the internet, only a few major media outlets were willing to display the drawings that caused all the commotion. Newspapers and TV networks in the United States — which is supposedly a model for the world’s free press — were particularly craven in this regard. Thus, the Muslim Brotherhood got its wish: “defamation” of Islam was effectively suppressed.
But Islam needed more. To ensure that “disrespect” for Islam and its prophet is driven completely out of the public square, the OIC insisted that Western governments must pass laws criminalizing the “defamation of religions”. Since — as Maj. Stephen Coughlin has irrefutably demonstrated — Muslims recognize only one religion, and consider all religions earlier than Islam abrogated, these laws are obviously aimed at smothering any critical discussion about Islam, and Islam only.
The Mohammed cartoon crisis serves as a useful model for bringing pressure to bear. On one flank is the appeal to the politically correct Western conscience, using freedom of religion, respect for minorities, tolerance, etc. as cattle prods to induce compliance with shariah-based strictures against “insulting” Islam and its prophet. On the other flank is the constant, unremitting subliminal threat of intense violence, which everyone now realizes may be expected whenever non-Muslims approach the boundary walls that confine discussions about Islam. These two inducements — carrot and stick, if you will — have served to shut down nearly all shariah-proscribed speech in any prominent Western media.
After the Motoon affair, there remained only the formalization of the new arrangements under statutory law. The greatest obstacle to the full submission of the West is the First Amendment of the United States Constitution, which clearly protects speech that criticizes Islam, no matter how much it might offend Muslims.
For several years prominent Muslim leaders have been discussing the “test of consequences” as a subterfuge to enforce shariah-compliant speech codes in Western societies. Liberal democracies generally recognize incitement to violence as an exception that is not a constitutionally protected form of speech. Our traditions define “incitement” to mean any direct exhortation to commit violence in the immediate future, but the Islamic “test of consequences” would turn that definition on its head. If someone engages in a non-violent form of communication — say, drawing a cartoon or writing a book — and that act is so insulting that it serves to stimulate such great anger in a group of people that they commit violence, then, using the “test of consequences”, the non-violent expression may be said to have indirectly caused the violence, and thus may be proscribed.
Most Western politicians and media commentators have already adopted the new shariah-based restrictions on (formerly) free speech, ritually condemning those who draw Mohammed cartoons or burn Korans or do anything else which makes Muslims angry enough to burn, rape, murder, and loot. It requires only a modest additional push — an incident involving such vile and despicable behavior that even First Amendment enthusiasts will fall silent in the face of updated speech codes — to bring the necessary legislative change.
Fast-forward to July, 2011. Two incidents, coincidentally occurring exactly one week apart, demonstrated the direction in which the new shariah-compliant wind was blowing. The first one was the summit meeting on July 15 between Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and OIC Secretary General Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu in Istanbul, which launched the “Istanbul Process”. The intention of the two principals was to implement the legislative results required by UN Resolution 16/18 within the Western democracies. In a historic speech, Mrs. Clinton laid out some of the means by which the new tolerant, respectful, and non-defamatory behaviors could be inculcated in Western cultures:
In the United States, I will admit, there are people who still feel vulnerable or marginalized as a result of their religious beliefs. And we have seen how the incendiary actions of just a very few people, a handful in a country of nearly 300 million, can create wide ripples of intolerance. We also understand that, for 235 years, freedom of expression has been a universal right at the core of our democracy. So we are focused on promoting interfaith education and collaboration, enforcing antidiscrimination laws, protecting the rights of all people to worship as they choose, and to use some old-fashioned techniques of peer pressure and shaming, so that people don’t feel that they have the support to do what we abhor.
This was a clear call to realize the “test of consequences”: to identify certain peaceful expressions of a free people as “incendiary”. The next step would be to identify and “shame” those who engage in such “incendiary” activities, thus putting their expressions beyond the pale of acceptable behavior.
Exactly a week later, Anders Behring Breivik donned his police uniform, picked up his rifle, and murdered 77 people in Oslo and on the island of Utøya. For several months afterwards it seemed that Mr. Breivik’s actions might provide the necessary “test of consequences” that would usher in a new era of Western compliance with Resolution 16/18.
But it turned out not to be enough, not in the United States, anyway — which is where the major tectonic shift is required. The European Union already has sufficient administrative justification for the necessary legislation in the “Framework Decision”, which has had the force of law since it went into effect two years ago.
This background information sets the scene for the events of September 11, 2012. The fulfillment of the Istanbul Process required an example of such egregious abuse of the First Amendment that the “test of consequences” exception could be successfully inserted into the free speech clause of the First Amendment. The movie Innocence of Muslims seemed to be exactly what was needed.